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communities experienced maximum benefit from the presence of both VIs and CCMOs

                 – receiving counsel, training with a stipend and/or placement into a formal programme.
                 When matched against all other participants, these ‘lucky’ participants represented the

                 ones  with  the  greatest  hope  of  leaving gangs  full time.  This  is because they  received
                 training, and most were employed and able to make a living from their certified training.

                 The  youth  who  benefit  from  CSJP  and  VIP  combined  are  mostly  high-risk.  The  CCMOs
                 on their own do not target high-risk youth. Only 15 per cent of the 71 respondents who

                 were impacted by CCMOs in CSJP Only communities were high-risk, with another 27 per
                 cent medium-risk. The majority (58%) of the CSJP Only affected respondents were in the

                 preventative groups (none or low). Note, however, that of the 19 respondents who were
                 VI and CCMO participants 10 (53%) were high-risk youth.



                 The security forces were seen by inner city youth as the primary source of interrupting

                 violence; but the data show that they are perceived to only bring relief to communities at
                 war. They are of very little value otherwise. While they topped the interruption chart, they

                 never returned in any other – even as a minor group. This suggests that the youth are fully
                 aware that policing is not the answer to their prolonged social violence. In summary, even

                 in communities where the police are listed as helping to provide violence relief, the cost in
                 human dignity, freedom and physical loss is heavy on the youth. The second point to be

                 made here is that despite the violence interruption mandate of the VIP, the youth did not
                 perceive the VIs (or CSJP) to be core relief agents. This is why they were ranked fourth and

                 fifth respectively. For the youth who experienced the intervention of the two programmes,
                 they  looked  to  the  VIs and  CCMOs for  primary  and  secondary  level intervention.

                 Nonetheless, the church, the security forces, youth groups, elders, and politicians are not
                 as effective as the VIs who can work with the dons and CCMOs concurrently to create

                 and maintain ceasefires, as well as positively redeploy combatants. The data show that
                 the VIP works – but needs to be resourced and better structured.



                 The VIs and CCMOs are not laced together into a smooth running system. Rather they

                 seem to be duplicating and to some extent competing. Violence interrupters, by their
                 very name, suggest that they should be distinguished from CCMOs (case managers) at

                 least at the tertiary or relief level. The distribution of the levels of violence reduction for the
                 VIs and CCMOs does not support a bias in VIs towards interruption (tertiary), and a bias in


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